Discurso de Marthin Luther King

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

Limites

1) Reparei um homem muito admirado por grandes personalidades sonolento. Senti um tremor visceral por ter me dado conta de que naquele momento toda a ficção de sua imagem tornou-se-me repugnante. Eu vi um forte levando um soco e pensei que não só sua existência tinha sido humilhada naquele momento como a minha foi abalada tão veementemente que senti-me forte sem sê-lo. Acontece do fraco saber-se forte por pura e honesta covardia e convidar o forte à submissão moral (como numa espécie de fantasia lúcida). Quando se leva um murro dói somente depois, um tempo depois, da pancada; no momento há aniquilação, depois vergonha de saber-se si mesmo sem a bravura que sustenta a existência de grandes feitos.
Um mendigo, um preso condenado por um Homicídio, p.ex. amiude é mais feliz do que um sujeito preocupado com a vaidade. O poder de adaptar-se não é prerrogativa de qualquer um, é um apanagio de vivências miseráveis para quem assim quer ver. Fernando Pessoa escreveu em Tabacaria que há muitos loucos com suas certezas. Ele não tinha certeza alguma. O Louco sabe que não está pensando num sistema cartesianamente entendido como lógico, tem certezas que não são certezas. O louco sustenta seu processo na miragem da afirmação certa, mas sabendo, reitero, como Homem que é, que não há o Absoluto; numa personalidade dita cindida pode-se experimentar uma aura que traz toda felicidade e toda dor do microcosmo insistente do corpo, o grito da epilepsia é um dos fenômenos mais bestiais que já presenciei. Senti medo mas não seria digno para desmanchar o que não tenho consistente, que é o que eu chamaria de minha Personalidade. Suporto que a Parte nada tem que ver com o Todo, puras figuras de linguagem para suprir uma ignorância vital. O que fazer para abdicar-mos do Tempo? Isso seria Mitologia e também um contraponto de uma Nobreza decaída. Tudo são dores intensas. Abandonar-se é um ponto lúdico da Consciência da Finitude. A Crença é seu suporte bastante erudito, amiude e também seu tendão de Aquiles.

Acreditar, olhar, conhecer

Em que ou em quem acreditar; conferir crédito, depositar certo crédito; parece-me semanticamente que se trata de uma confusão lexical no situar em algo uma dívida, digamos, ou um depósito no que quiça se entenda por uma imago, uma idéia, uma análise e preponderantemente a fala. Participo com meus olhos, com minha mímica facial, com o timbre de minha voz... um teor que se pretende pleno de significantes. O golpe de vista não seria talvez um mito nem uma certeza; transitaria entre os dois, mesmo em obsessóes e em psicoses. Quando observo um maneirismo leio algo, quiça um tique, uma angústia, quiça mesmo uma vagabundagem. Posso ler o tique como um sintoma, médico ou semiótico, se forçar uma barra. Os olhares que permeiam céleres parecem uma configuração de um desatino ou muito diferente, de uma perversidade. Explico-me (continuo depois)